Maklumat Alternatif Pilihanraya 2004

Undi Info
Malaysians For Free and Fair Elections
Malaysian Election Media Monitors' Diary

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What Happened at the Demonstration?

Di bawah ini adalah cebisan kisah tentang apa yang terjadi semasa demonstrasi di Bukit Aman sabtu lepas. Kisah ini berdasarkan pandangan saudara Koy yang turut sama menyertai demonstrasi tersebut. Koy adalah salah seorang aktivis yang aktif di Universiti Bangsar Utama.

Peserta pertama yang ditahan dan diperlakukan dengan kejam oleh pihak polis adalah Fahmi Reza. Beliau adalah salah seorang artis-aktivis yang aktif dan merupakan penggerak utama Artis Pro Activ.

Today, I witnessed first-hand the kind of force that the Malaysian police are able to brandish against a civil and peaceful assembly.

For me, it is especially ironic that a peaceful assembly to inform the public about unnecessary police violence in the last 4 years resulted in one of the most blatant shows of police force I've seen in my short life.

The assembly began at 10 a.m. in front of Bukit Aman police headquarters and it was a peaceful meeting of like-minded folk, among them family members of victims of police brutality, NGOs and activists, press, and regular citizens. Everything was going smoothly--some introductory remarks were made and a few very short speeches--but before the speakers could go on, before family members could come forward to speak about the death of their loved ones at the hands of the police, a few policemen swarmed the crowd in what appeared to be an impending arrest of the key speakers.

During the ensuing chaos I stepped away from the crush of people and moved to the right of the crowd. It was here that I witnessed with my own eyes a group of about 6-7 policemen surround and grab artist-activist Fahmi Reza as he was standing with his friends, holding up placards and signs that visually depicted victims of police brutality in the past and images of police.

The policemen not only surrounded Fahmi and his friends but they physically manhandled Fahmi, pulling and tearing at his clothes until his shirt completely ripped, and I could see them roughly yanking him and hitting him as they tried to snatch his bag from him. They also knocked his spectacles off, immediately rendering him blind and disoriented because he could not see without his spectacles. At this point, Fahmi was yelling "Tolong! Tolong!" but no-one could come to his aid because he was physically hauled by at
least 6 policemen while 4-5 others were pushing and punching people away from Fahmi.

The policemen dragged him away from the rest of his friends and the crowd and they forcibly restrained him as he tried to wriggle free from their vice-like grip. Fahmi tried to hold his ground and not move but he was overpowered by the 6 or more policemen. I was powerless to do anything because there were so many of them all surrounding him, effectively disallowing anyone from coming close.

The policemen then wrestled Fahmi to the ground when it became clear that others had seen what they had done. As the crowd began to surge around the police barricade around Fahmi and the media/press began to take pictures, the police became even more aggressive and violent and closed-in on Fahmi,
trying to block him from the view of cameras. They formed a circle around Fahmi.

I knelt down to try and look between their legs and I saw them step on Fahmi, kick him and push his face onto the tarred surface. He was grimacing and crying out from pain as the left side of his face scraped the ground and the policemen were physically pressing down on his face and his entire body. I felt sick to my stomach watching this scene.

How is it fair or equitable to have 6-7 policemen physically overpower and brutally assault a skinny young boy with spectacles who was unarmed? The police kept shouting "Pisau" as if Fahmi was brandishing a weapon but I had not seen him hold any kind of knife or weapon when he was arrested. Certainly, when the 6-7 policemen pushed Fahmi to the ground and stepped on him, Fahmi had no weapon on his body and furthermore, he was held down and physically restrained in a manner that would ensure he would not be able to move or do anything but submit to the brutal will of the police.

I saw a woman, whom I later found out was Elizabeth Wong, try to push through the police barricade to help Fahmi but they restrained her and then also manhandled her, hauling her away by lifting her by the legs and dragging her kicking and screaming. I was shocked at the blatant display of police brutality towards Fahmi and Elizabeth. I did not understand why it was necessary to go through such lengths to detain 2 individuals who were clearly not engaging in any violent show of force and who were not even
speaking to the crowd.

The scene between the 6-7 policemen and Fahmi--and particularly, when I saw him being wrestled and pushed to the ground, and his face smashed against the tarred road, and then kicked and hit when he was down--reminded me of the Rodney King incident in Los Angeles in America in 1992. I also remembered all the policemen who were witnesses to the Rodney King beating but who did nothing to intervene.

This morning, while the policemen assaulted Fahmi in a manner that was unnecessarily brutal and violent, I saw with my own eyes more than 4 Inspectors stand by, watching and not intervening in the assault.

Why did the police use such brute force to arrest Fahmi? Why was it necessary to swarm a peaceful assembly of people who were clearly not there to provoke, agitate or do anything beyond expressing their feelings of injustice at the hands of police violence and to create awareness about what has been happening behind a veil of police bureaucracy?

The people who caused the assembly to become chaotic, those who agitated and provoked the crowd and those who had a strong hand in changing the dynamic of the assembly and to manipulate the way people would see the event: these people were the police themselves. And this morning, I saw policemen in all colors and stripes, from plainclothes, Special Branch types, to lower ranking officers to Inspectors. All of them watched and witnessed the scene like I did.

The only difference is that I was powerless and could not do anything. They, on the other hand, not only initiated and provoked a situation that resulted in the arrest of 17 people, but they also brutally and violently assaulted and manhandled Fahmi and Elizabeth, and later on Tian Chua as well. The police in this case was not powerless but in fact, they exhibited and showed off their power to full glory and without a hint of remorse or apologies.

I came to the demonstration today expecting the police to show a good faith effort at proving to the people that they are capable of humanity and some basic level of human civility. Instead, I left with a bitter taste in my mouth and a feeling of being sick to my stomach at the sight of them assaulting innocent citizens who were merely having a peaceful gathering.

by an eye-witness

Demokrasi Ala Malaysia



Police use water cannon to disperse ‘police abuse’ demo, 17 arrested - Malaysiakini

Yap Mun Ching
11:02am Sat Feb 28th, 2004

Police arrested 17 activists for illegal assembly after using chemical-laced water cannon to disperse a crowd, which was gathered there to protest against alleged police abuse of power and brutality.

Key Keadilan leaders Tian Chua, R Sivarasa, Dr Xavier Jayakumar and Latheefa Koya are among those arrested. Also taken in are human rights activists Elizabeth Wong and Eric Paulsen.

In all, 17 people - 13 males and four females - were taken by the police to the city police headquarters in Jalan Hang Tuah.

They were all released by 6pm after recording their statements with the police.

Artist-activist Fahmi Reza, 27, was the last one out as police had found him to be in possession of a paper cutter.

Lawyers representing the group, N Surendran, M Manogar and Ramdas Tikamdas said they were denied access to the group until their release this evening.

About 60 people had gathered since this morning at the Bukit Aman police headquarters to protest against "numerous incidents" resulting from abuse of police powers.

They had put up posters and banners highlighting several examples of police abuse.

'Proves our point'

Eye witnesses say an equal number of police, if not more, were present as well.

"The police exposed the brutality the demonstration was about and they took the whole gathering very personally," one participant told malaysiakini.

Sivarasa, just after his arrest, said: "Feel the chemical on your skin... this is police brutality. This proves what we have been saying."

According to human rights organisation Suaram, Fahmi - who was the first to be arrested - was beaten and trampled on.

"The police tried to take away his glasses and belongings, but Fahmi resisted. He is bruised and his shirt was torn," said Suaram's Mary Agnes James.

James added that both human rights activist Wong and Keadilan vice-president Tian Chua "were also manhandled by the police and sustained bruises and injuries".

All three had lodged a police report against the assault.

The gathering was organised by the Coalition Against Police Misconduct, an initiative set up under human rights organisation Suaram.

The coalition, which is backed by 46 NGOs and political parties, is calling for inquiries into numerous complaints of abuse of power including the high incidences of police shootings.

Effective way

When met, Kuala Lumpur police chief Mustafa Abdullah defended the use of the water cannon, saying that was most effective way for a quick dispersal of the crowd.

He also said that he was only expecting a memorandum handover from the organisers.

"This is what they told us and we were ready to accept a memorandum from three representatives of the group. However, they wanted to bring in at least seven people," he said.

"Things got out of control when the crowd sat down to protest and refused to move even after we told them to disperse".

Three Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) officers were also present to witness the peaceful demonstration.

In an early reaction, legal adviser to the Police Watch and Human Rights Committee P Uthayakumar called for the royal police commission to investigate the incident this morning.

"We urge the police commission to set up a special inquiry panel within 48 hours to investigate this police abuse," he said in a statement.

Uthayakumar, who is the chairperson of the pro tem Parti Reformasi Insan Malaysia, also called for Dang Wangi police chief Hadi Ho Abdullah who oversaw the operation to be suspended pending investigations.

"STOP MISUSE OF POLICE POWERS" / "HENTIKAN SALAHGUNA POLIS"

The Coalition Against Police Misconduct will be having a mass assembly to protest the numerous incidentsinvolving the misuse of police powers especially involving the deaths of suspects while in police custody and by police shooting, abuse of remand procedure, dispersal of peaceful assemblies and prevention of distribution of leaflets. The situation is worsened by the absence of justice to victims of police brutality and all complaints have not had satisfactory response in terms of independent and transparent investigations, disciplinary action or prosecution of the offending police personnel.

Therefore we are calling all to attend the assembly to provide support and thereby send a strong message that
the police will not be allowed to act they please, and all forms of abuse of police powers must be stopped immediately.

"STOP MISUSE OF POLICE POWERS"
Assembly Against Misconduct of the Police

Date: 28 February, 2004 (Saturday)
Time: 10.00 am
Venue: Police Headquarters Bukit Aman
(Lake Garden entrance, Off Jalan Parlimen)

Organised by The Coalition Against Police Misconduct.
Tel: 03 - 7782 0357 / 013 - 377 1473;
E-mail: suaram@suaram.org

Please help to disseminate the news of this event to your friends and network.

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Kongres ‘budaya pop’ Melayu? - Fathi Aris Omar

Seorang teman saya mengajak kami mengadakan semacam ‘kongres’ di kalangan penggiat muda seni budaya - katanya tentang ‘budaya pop’, khususnya Melayu. Ia mahu disegerakan.

Tetapi idea mengadakan kongres nasional di kalangan anak muda bukan idea baru teman-teman saya. Namun, saya sangat sedar apa erti atau signifikan ‘kongres’, ‘diskusi’ atau ‘wacana’ di negara ini.

Seperti juga projek penerbitan di kalangan anak muda, kongres atau sebut sahaja diskusi tidak mungkin ‘dijayakan’. Pengalaman berdepan dengan anak muda - di segenap peringkat dan dalam pelbagai kelompok - sangat mengecewakan.

Misalnya aktivis siswa yang kritis terhadap kerajaan atau anak-anak muda yang menyertai Gerakan Reformasi serta badan bukan kerajaan (NGO), bagaimanakah sikap mereka terhadap ilmu dan ketekunan merumus persoalan bangsa?

Walau mereka menuntut ruang (kononnya!), atau mahu suara mereka didengari, atau ingin difahami tetapi kematangan hujah, hasil kerja dan tindakan masih jauh daripada memuaskan.

Bangsa ini patut berasa malu melihat kedaifan anak muda, tidak setanding tuntutan kontemporari, tetapi dalam ketakutan orang tua bergayut pada jawatan masing-masing, mereka tidak pernah berasa malu.

Ketajaman idea

Minggu Penulis Remaja (MPR) anjuran Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka saban tahun tidak berjaya menghasilkan karya dengan tekal, jauh sekali ingin membicarakan soal mutu, kepelbagaian atau ketajaman idea.

Ahli-ahli akademik muda di institusi pengajian tinggi, yang telah mendapat gelar doktor falsafah menjelang usia 30-an, tidak menampakkan apa-apa hasil. Malah disebut-sebut bakal mewarisi ‘profesor kangkung’ dalam dunia akademia kita.

Anak-anak murid mereka yang belajar dalam bidang media, seni dan kesasteraan misalnya tidak mampu menulis dengan baik! Malah tidak kurang yang lari ke bidang lain atau hanya mahu menjadi guru. Editor kanan atau penulis kolum pula, apakah mereka boleh dibanggakan dan dijadikan contoh?

Persatuan-persatuan penulis negeri, ke manakah mereka? Sasterawan-sasterawan lama pula di mana? Bagaimana mereka melihat persoalan kebebasan dengan feudalisme, individualisme dengan globalisasi, budaya pop era pascamoden dengan tradisi tempatan? Apakah sikap dan analisa mereka terhadap isu-isu mendesak bangsa dan negara ini?

Bagi saya, anak muda terlalu lembik, sementara cendekiawan dan tokoh yang ada tidak mampu memberi teladan minda serta daya gerak kepada mereka. Dalam sebuah rencana di Akhbar Mahasiswa, saya berhujah; "Mahasiswa, belia dan orang muda tidak merdeka diri, tidak mencari serta merumus persoalan bangsa ini dan negara dengan jujur, serta tidak berani menganjurkan reformasi sosial dari perspektif mereka sendiri.

"Generasi muda, termasuk siswa, hanya menempel pada struktur sedia ada dan mengunyah idea yang disogokkan. Mereka tidak berfikir, berinteraksi dan berbahas dengan kelompok-kelompok lain di kalangan generasi muda tetapi meletakkan kesetiaan pada struktur sosial yang dibolot oleh orang tua."

Arus globalisasi

Kepada teman itu, saya cadangkan kita melihat ‘budaya pop’ atau komersialisme seni budaya dengan lebih syumul; bukan secara serpihan kerana penghasilan idea melibatkan aspek penjanaan idea. Idea kita mesti dapat bersaing di peringkat antarabangsa kerana pasaran tempatan tidak cukup untuk menampung semua projek budaya pop.

"Kita harus cepat-cepat membina prasarana - khususnya ‘prasarana idea’ yakni kebebasan bersuara, demokrasi, hak asasi, wacana rancak serta mendalam dan pertemuan ilmiah - bagi membolehkan idea, termasuk seniman dan produk seni, negara ini bersaing dengan kekuatan idea, teknik dan mutu seni dalam arus globalisasi," kata Jimadie Shah Othman, penulis muda dari Universiti Malaya.

"Prasarana idea membolehkan aliran idea yang bebas, kepelbagaian sudut pandangan, menyuburkan imaginasi, menghalusi kritikan dan menajamkan kreativiti."

Sementara Buddhi Hikayat pula dalam ‘Mantapkan mekanisme seni’ mempertikaikan aspek pengurusan seni yang tidak memuaskan: "Produk seni, khususnya yang bermutu, tidak akan sampai kepada masyarakat jika kegiatan seni tidak menjamin kerjaya atau kebajikan seniman atau pekerja seni.

"Kegiatan seni yang bermusim dan gagal diurus secara profesional, serta gagal menjaga semua peringkat pekerja, akan menimbulkan kesan-kesan buruk kepada produk seni."

Dua penulis ini juga mempertikaikan soal kongkongan politik dan kebebasan kreatif yang sangat terbatas di negara ini tetapi malangnya tidak dipedulikan secara serius dan lantang oleh kelompok seni. Tidak pernah ada aduan atau memorandum dihantar kepada Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia (Suhakam), misalnya.

Pradigma baru

Tetapi hairannya, Johan Jaaffar nampak sebaliknya. Bekas wartawan kanan di Utusan Malaysia ini percaya sasterawan negara kita boleh memenangi Hadiah Nobel, menjelang 2010!

"Now, the good news is, we do have some truly talented writers of world calibre. But what have we done ‘to promote’ them?" tulisnya di New Straits Times.

Sebelum itu beliau berhujah tentang ‘sastera Melayu’ dan ‘sastera Malaysia’ sebagai menyelesaikan kemelut tiada sambutan terhadap kegiatan sastera. Seperti mentaliti Dasar Kebudayaan Kebangsaan 1971, Johan terperangkap dalam merumuskan sastera Melayu sebagai ‘teras’ sastera Malaysia. Baginya, saranan ini sejenis ‘paradigma baru’. Apa relevannya soal ini kepada Hadiah Nobel?

Dalam Berita Minggu pula, tokoh ini tidak pernah ingin menyentuh persoalan kebebasan kreatif dengan jelas dan berani. Nampak benar luahan rasanya tidak merdeka, walau kelihatan beliau sedar beberapa perkara penting yang menghimpit kejayaan seni dan produk ‘budaya pop’ kita.

"Seniman harus diberi kebebasan, tetapi tentunya dalam kerangka yang munasabah dan berpatutan," tulisnya di Berita Minggu. Kebebasan munasabah dan berpatutan, apakah persoalan ini agendanya? Atau, kawalan yang tidak munasabah dan tidak berpatutan harus menjadi agenda kita bersama?

Garis panduan persembahan pentas Dewan Bandaraya Kuala Lumpur (DBKL) yang diperkenalkan lewat tahun lepas telah memakan korban teater seperti Election Day (bulan lepas) dan Projek Suitcase 2003 (Disember tahun lalu). Akan datang, siapa dan apa lagi?

Johan tidak berfikir panjang walau, dalam kolum akhbar Inggeris itu, beliau menyebut sekali imbas "kesasteraan berkait rapat dengan ekspresi kreatif dan imaginasi". Nampaknya belum tuntas hubungan kawalan politik ini dengan imaginasi dirumuskan oleh kita.

Jika Johan yang dianggap boleh berfikir dan sedikit kritis juga masih terbelenggu dengan wacana lama yang sudah terbukti gagal, bagaimana kita boleh mengharapkan anak muda sastera dan seni budaya - yang selalu meniru-niru tabiat buruk ‘industri’ dan wacana lapuk sekarang?
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Sumber:

Buddhi Hikayat, ‘Mantapkan mekanisme seni’, Mingguan Malaysia, 15 Februari 2004

Fathi Aris Omar, ‘Siswa, seluar pendek dan kesetiaan’, Akhbar Mahasiswa, November 2003

Jimadie Shah Othman, ‘Globalisasi, seni dan seniman’, Mingguan Malaysia, 22 Februari 2004

Johan Jaaffar, Looking for Malaysian literature, New Straits Times, 5 Januari 2004

Johan Jaaffar, ‘Jadikan KL kota budaya, …’, Berita Minggu, 1 Februari 2004

Tulisan ini asalnya diterbit dalam Malaysiakini.com (24 Februari 2004). Ia diterbitkan semula di sini dengan izin penulisnya. Beliau dapat dihubungi di fathiaris@yahoo.com

Kepada semua umat Islam, saya ingin mengucapkan Selamat Tahun Baru Muslim! Happy Muslim New Year!

Pilihanraya semakin hampir

Bahang pilihanraya umum yang ke 11 semakin dirasai dan dijangkakan parlimen akan dibubarkan pada bila-bila masa dari sekarang. Media-media arus perdana tempatan dan juga media asing telah mula membuat ulasan dan liputan berita pra-pilihanraya.

Di beberapa kawasan, bendera-bendera parti yang masih baru sudah mula berkibar megah di atas-atas pokok di sepanjang jalan utama. Namun begitu, suasana panas dan pesta yang dirasai semasa pilihanraya 1999 masih belum dirasai dan ini sudah tentunya disebabkan oleh senario yang berbeza pada waktu itu.

Namun yang pastinya, suasana tenteram dan sunyi ini pasti akan bertukar secara serta merta apabila tiba masanya Pak Lah membuat pengumuman pembubaran parlimen. Pesta demokrasi ala Malaysia akan semakin rancak dan tegang semasa tempoh kempen dijalankan.

Apabila semakin tiba pilihanraya, persediaan mental harus ditingkatkan untuk menapis semua maklumat yang disampaikan baik daripada pihak pemerintah ataupun pembangkang. Stesen televisyen dan media arus perdana terutama yang berbahasa Melayu hanya layak ditonton dan dibaca oleh pembaca yang memiliki sumber maklumat yang pelbagai. Kepada yang tidak memilikinya, amaran awal kepada golongan ini bahawa ia boleh membawa kemudaratan yang agak besar dari segala aspek.

Bagi aku, pilihanraya umum ini pastinya akan mencatat sejarah dan satu fasa baru di dalam kehidupan aku sebagai seorang insan yang bernama Zulhabri Bin Supian, pengundi di DUN Seri Andalas, Parlimen Kota Raja, rakyat negeri Selangor dan rakyat negara Malaysia yang tercinta ini.

Parti mana yang akan diundi adalah rahsia walaupun mereka yang mengenali aku sejak 5-8 tahun lepas mungkin sudah dapat mengagak parti mana yang akan dipilih olehku, salah seorang daripada pengundi muda pada pilihanraya umum ini.

Namun harus diingatkan bahawa pilihanraya bukanlah satu-satunya petanda kewujudan dan pengamalan demokrasi di negara ini. Ia hanyalah salah satu jalan bagi kita rakyat Malaysia yang prihatin untuk menyuarakan suara dan hasrat diri dan masyarakat. Aktiviti-aktiviti yang bersifat demokrasi yang lain seperti demonstrasi, ceramah, kelas pencerahan, pesta seni, penerangan, diskusi, debat dan sebagainya perlu diadakan sepanjang masa tanpa mengambilkira faktor pilihanraya.

Walaubagaimanapun, diharap pilihanraya kali ini tidak akan dicemari dengan budaya-budaya yang tidak bertamadun dan diharap pihak polis dan SPR dapat bersikap adil di dalam setiap tindakan mereka. Di samping merayakan pesta demokrasi ini, rakyat Malaysia seharusnya tidak lupa untuk mendesak agar SPR dapat menjadi suatu badan pengendali pilihanraya yang bebas seperti mana di Indonesia, Thailand dan Filipina.

Semakan Daftar
Berita Pra-Pilihanraya

Tahniah Skuad Piala Uber!

Skuad wanita Malaysia yang diterajui oleh Wong Mew Choo telah berjaya mencipta satu sejarah baru untuk layak ke pusingan akhir Piala Uber 2004 di Jakarta secara merit buat pertama kalinya. Tahniah kepada semua!

Malaysian Women Shuttlers March To Jakarta Finals

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Ulasan Urbanscapes di The Asian Wall Street Journal, 13 February 2004

Arts: A Breath of Fresh Air --- Will Malaysia's New Leadership Loosen the Hold Over the Arts?
By Azhar Sukri

KUALA LUMPUR -- "I just want you to jump -- Don't worry if things bounce a little!" shouted dreadlocked Malaysian pop sensation Reshmonu to his screaming fans, most of them women, some wearing traditional Muslim headscarves.

Earlier this month, many Malaysian Muslims made their way to the holy Saudi Arabian city of Mecca for a once-in-a-lifetime pilgrimage. At about the same time, miles away, several thousand of Kuala Lumpur's youth were getting down at Urbanscapes -- the country's biggest one-day arts and music festival in about seven years. The festival took place just outside the grounds of Sentral, the city's new train hub connecting to Kuala Lumpur International Airport.

Long-haired "Mat-rockers," mostly young ethnic Malay men with a penchant for death-metal music and leather jackets -- partied with Chinese and Indian girls in skimpy tops to a heady mix of new-school dance music. Animated short films featuring exploding frogs and decapitated heads ran alongside images of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad juxtaposed with pictures of toilets.

In Malaysia, where censorship is alive and well, it is remarkable that Urbanscapes took place at all. Plays and concerts considered too sexy, or "critical of Malaysian values," are still heavily cut or even banned by the authorities. Just weeks before the festival, Muslim conservatives asked for a ban on an upcoming Mariah Carey concert in Kuala Lumpur because they found her stage outfit too revealing.

To many outsiders, Malaysia represents a bewildering set of paradoxes. Kuala Lumpur has long had a thriving, though underground, gay scene. Yet sodomy was one of the crimes charged against former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar
Ibrahim, who was sentenced in 2000 and remains in prison. Open discussion about homosexuality is still one of the greatest taboos.

Another confusing incident happened just last week. Kuala Lumpur City Hall, the licensing authority for plays and other artistic events, said it would not allow the play "Election Day." The body had, in fact, allowed the play to be performed four years ago, but has now decided that its references to Volkswagen cars and a leading local pharmacy chain may tread on political or commercial sensitivities, and thus make it "too real."

For most Malaysians, though, such contradictions are part of their country's character, and rarely get in the way of more pressing matters such as putting their kids through university. "There's a kind of mediated freedom here," said Sulin Chee, a writer for the lifestyle magazine Klue that organized the Urbanscapes event. By many Western standards, Urbanscapes may not have been such a wild celebration. But for Malaysia, it was an anti-establishment breath of fresh air, fuelled by alcohol and youthful creativity.

The last similar event in the city was a clandestine dance party held at the former Pudu Prison in central Kuala Lumpur in 1997. The event, which attracted almost 1,000 people, featured artists who adorned the walls of jail cells with political works. In the past, organizers have occasionally staged massive, illegal, house music raves in the middle of rain forests or on the palm-fringed beaches of tiny islands.

So perhaps the greatest paradox of all is that Urbanscapes 2004 was fully endorsed by the Kuala Lumpur city government. Does this mean that the country's new leadership may be ready to loosen the reigns on its youth?

The jury is still out. "I don't know whether we're getting any more freedom of speech under the Pak Lah," says Charles, an ethnic Chinese businessman, referring to Mr. Mohammed's successor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. "People can still say a lot of things; just look at the newspapers. Just don't talk about certain things, that's all." Those "certain things" tend to be anything to do with race, religion or politics.

While sensitive issues such as politics, race and homosexuality are regularly explored by artists, their outlets tend to be on media which the majority of Malaysians do not have access to. Radiq Radio, for example, was allowed to broadcast its news on human rights and social issues, including several stories on disadvantaged, mostly ethnic Indian, plantation workers.

But the station was unofficially told that its messages would only be tolerated on the Internet, and that its free-to-air broadcasts would be watched more carefully.

Urbanscapes, however, attracted a significant number of artists and activists who have felt the long arm of Malaysian authorities. Perhaps it was their presence, even more than the alcohol and lewd lyrics, which made the festival unique.

One of the exhibits at Urbanscapes was "Just Duit," a seven-minute film by journalist Kean Wong, architect Nani Kahar and political activist Hishamuddin Rais. "Duit" is the Malay word for "money," and refers to an increasingly consumerist Malaysian society. The film, played on a continuous loop, juxtaposed images of Mr. Mahathir with pictures of toilets.

"It's sort of an expression of how the authorities flushed my life away for two years," explains Mr. Hishamuddin. He was released from prison six months ago after being jailed along with other activists under the country's Internal Security Act, which allows for detention without trial for crimes considered a threat to national security.

It may be too soon to tell if the government is really loosening its hold. But after 22 years of Mr. Mahathir's rule, the handover of power to Mr. Abdullah last year has raised hopes that the government will allow greater freedom of artistic expression. Mr. Hishamuddin, for one, is cautiously optimistic. "After the changeover, people are hoping there could be a
process of democratization. If this event is a manifestation of that, then so be it."

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Siswa perlu ‘bahasa baru’ - Fathi Aris Omar

"A new conflict zone, in place of the virtualized class antagonism and apart from the disparity conflicts at the margins of the system, can only emerge where advanced capitalist society has to immunize itself, by depoliticizing the masses of the population, against the questioning of its technocratic background ideology: in the public sphere administered through the mass media." – Jurgen Habermas dalam Toward a Rational Society.

Tidak hanya siswa, rata-ratanya masih dianggap mentah, malah banyak lagi kelompok – misalnya wartawan, seniman, ahli politik atau profesional – juga gagal memahami kesan pembentukan nilai, bahasa dan luahan rasa akibat ruang demokrasi negara ini yang terbelenggu.
Kita semua, jika tidak cermat, pasti gagal berprestasi seiring dengan cabaran zaman yang semakin kompleks. Banyak perkara yang sedang bergerak di depan mata sendiri gagal difahami. Kita menduga kita telah memahaminya tetapi tindakan kita bertentangan dengan kehendak perubahan yang pantas.

Antara persoalan terpenting – bagaimana memecahkan ‘kebuntuan politik’ yang telah membentuk kita semua. Persoalan kebebasan rakyat dengan kawalan negara, kedudukan individu dalam masyarakat, hubungan fikiran seseorang dengan sosialisasi persekitaran (sejak kecil) tidak difahami oleh golongan pelajar, termasuk aktivis mereka yang paling lantang!

Jika kita meminta mereka membahaskan hubungan-hubungan ini, sama ada bertulis atau lisan, pasti kita dapat kesan kedangkalan atau keterbantutan idea. Rupa-rupanya mereka tidak memahami persekitaran mereka sendiri. Seolah-olah mereka menceburi aktivisme dengan menutup kedua-dua mata dan telinga.

Jika mereka sendiri mundur, bagaimana mungkin aktivis siswa dapat menawarkan sesuatu yang lebih ‘maju’ kepada masyarakat? Tidak hairanlah, sesiapa sahaja yang mendekati siswa akan berjaya mempengaruhi mereka dan dengan rela mereka menganut idea-idea itu tanpa berfikir lebih kritis.

Klon baru

Aktivis siswa, khasnya yang sudah dianggap ‘senior’, kemudian menjadi ‘agen yang telah diprogramkan’ untuk membiakkan klon-klon baru aktivis. Sebab itu, di kalangan pelajar Islam, kita temui klon-klon PAS, Umno, Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (Abim) atau Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM).

Tidak sedikit daripada mereka bersifat dogmatik, tertutup atau fanatik dengan idea kumpulan masing-masing. Zaman penulis dulu, antara 1987 hingga 1990, menyaksikan perseteruan yang dahsyat akibat dogmatisme kelompok antara beberapa kumpulan Islam ini.

Memang, dari luar kelihatan aktivis siswa berfikiran kritis. Tetapi terhadap apa dan siapa? Dan, bagaimana fikiran kritis itu terbentuk? Berfikiran kritis, walau sepatutnya menjadi sifat peribadi yang penting untuk menilai persekitaran, tidak menjadi disiplin peribadi yang independen.

Sebab itu, kritikan atau minda kritis pelajar Islam tidak bebas daripada ungkapan dan perspektif (malah, nada atau gaya!) PAS, Abim atau JIM. Oleh kerana kerajaan Barisan Nasional musuh mereka bersama, maka kritikan aktivis pelajar tentulah kepada kerajaan.

Tetapi belum tentu mereka akan kritis terhadap hal-hal lain, apatah lagi terhadap kelompok sendiri. Berfikiran kritis itu sendiri hanya ada satu sisi (iaitu: terhadap kerajaan BN dan masyarakat), bukannya dari jiwa yang merdeka terhadap apa-apa sahaja. Bersifat kritis bukannya disiplin minda yang tulen di kalangan aktivis siswa tetapi akibat sogokan sudut pandang yang terhad oleh penaung-penaung mereka.

Sogokan sudut pandang datang bersama proses yang panjang, bermula daripada tempoh sosialisasi sejak kecil di rumah, pendidikan rasmi (termasuk universiti), pendedahan kepada media massa (propaganda) dan juga adat resam masyarakat.

Dasar mengekang

Di sekolah dan kampus, sogokan itu terbentuk melalui sukatan pelajaran, pengkhususan ilmu dan peraturan. Media massa pula mempunyai pembingkaian (news framing) dan penetapan agenda (agenda-setting), sama ada akibat kongkongan kerajaan, kepentingan pemilik syarikat, kecekapan editor atau tanggapan penulis.

Sosialisasi – proses memindahkan nilai ke dalam diri kanak-kanak daripada persekitaran – di dalam dan di luar rumah dipengaruhi nilai dan ‘projek’ ibu bapa (terhadap anak) yang berinteraksi dengan lingkungan yang lebih besar.

Di negara kita, lingkungan itu boleh disebut sebagai warisan dasar-dasar mengekang Umno-BN, dasar penjajahan Inggeris dan amalan konsevatisme-feudalisme Melayu sejak beratus-ratus tahun. Tidak dilupakan, warisan kesultanan Islam yang autokratik dan wabak taklidisme ummah.

Ia semacam social conditioning yang tidak disedari, tetapi berulang-ulang dihayati, proses pembudayaan halus serta perlahan-lahan dalam masyarakat. Ia berjaya membentuk jiwa (psyche) atau akal bawah sedar seseorang sehingga melimpah ke alam mimpi atau resah batin tanpa dapat lagi diselami secara sepenuhnya rasional – jika kita gagal membongkar sejarah dan mengenali batu-batu tanda kesesatannya.

Mungkin istilah-istilah ‘sindrom kebergantungan’ (dependency syndrome) atau ‘Stockholm syndrome’ membawa gejala penyakit yang sama.

Di kalangan aktivis siswa, saya nampak tradisi berhujah dan berdebat sudah semakin merosot. Ramai pula yang malu bertanya tetapi suka mencatat, bukan merenung buah-buah fikiran yang disampaikan penceramah.

Malah semangat bertanya di kalangan mereka sering dibayangi jiwa "saya budak baru belajar, mana yang salah tolong tunjukkan" – membayangkan rasa rendah diri atau tiada keyakinan tetapi suka sekali disogok (pengetahuan).

Kurang menulis

Mereka juga kurang menulis di akhbar-akhbar dengan idea atau kupasan bernas tentang isu-isu besar. Kenyataan-kenyataan akhbar tentang saranan mengharamkan konsert atau membantah sambutan ‘Hari Kekasih’ tidak ubah idea yang sering ‘dikitar-semula’ sejak 20 tahun lalu! Mungkin juga, mereka kurang membaca, khususnya pelbagai disiplin ilmu di luar bidang kursus masing-masing.

Bagi saya, ini semua kesan nyata minda dan jiwa terbelenggu, suka menunggu arahan, ibarat "pahat dengan penukul." Belenggu memang menjadikan seseorang tidak merdeka, mematikan daya usaha dan keyakinan diri.

Hakikatnya, generasi muda adalah projek pengklonan sesebuah masyarakat. Tetapi siswa hanya berjaya melepaskan diri daripadanya jika kita menyedari faktor-faktor yang telah membesar dan mendewasakan kita.

Ini termasuk, menyedari proses indoktrinasi kelompok (disebut juga: usrah, latihan, diskusi, tamrin atau seminar) yang sedang memacu minda siswa. Jika mereka gagal mengesan landasan-landasan kongkongan ini, tentu sekali mereka akan selama-lamanya menjadi sekadar bidak catur organisasi-organisasi besar di luar diri mereka.

Mereka tidak mungkin membebaskan diri daripada belenggu kelompok dan masyarakat, apatah lagi belenggu kerajaan yang tidak demokratik. Lalu, nilai-nilai demokratik tidak dihayati oleh aktivis siswa yang melaung-laung demokrasi itu sendiri!

Budaya baru atau bahasa baru tidak tumbuh daripada gerakan siswa ini kerana kealpaan mereka untuk membongkar semua proses pemasungan minda sejak kecil lagi. Sebab itu, saya ingatkan aktivis siswa, separuh daripada minda mereka masih lagi dibelenggu kerajaan walau mulut mereka lantang sekali mengkritik kerajaan!
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Dihuraikan kembali daripada isi-isi ceramah ‘Peranan media dalam memperjuangkan hak siswa’ kepada aktivis-aktivis pelajar dalam majlis ‘Perundingan Siswa Kebangsaan’ di Kajang, Selangor pada 8 Februari 2004
Sumber:

Cicourel, Aaron (1974) Cognitive Sociology: Language and meaning in social interaction, New York: The Free Press

Habermas, Jurgen (1971) Toward a Rational Society, London: Heinemann Books

Kaplan, David dan Manners, Albert (1999) Teori Budaya (terj. The Theory of Culture), Jogjakarta: Pustaka Pelajar

Popper, Karl (1994) Knowledge and the Body-Mind Problem, London: Routledge

Tulisan ini asalnya diterbit dalam Malaysiakini.com (16 Februari 2004). Ia diterbitkan semula di sini dengan izin penulisnya. Beliau dapat dihubungi di fathiaris@yahoo.com